Thursday, June 19, 2008

Yet More on Boumediene

Convictions : Boumediene Three Days Out:

"Second, back to Boumediene, Dahlia correctly points out that Scalia has now written into Supreme Court jurisprudence the canards regularly trotted out about classified information leaked during terrorist trials that have compromised intelligence sources and methods. Relying on a minority report by Republican Sens. Kyl, Sessions, Graham, Cornyn, and Coburn and on a single Washington Post article, Scalia says: (1) in one terrorism prosecution in federal court, trial testimony revealed that the U.S. had been monitoring an al-Qaida satellite phone, leading bin Laden promptly to stop using it and cutting off that source of intelligence; and (2) the 1995 prosecution of Omar Abdel Rahman in federal court led to Osama bin Laden learning the names of the 200 unindicted co-conspirators in the case. As Human Rights First exposes in its must-read report on the success of terrorism prosecutions in federal court, Claim 1 is demonstrably false, and Claim 2 is at best misleading. (1) The phone records at issue were not introduced into trial evidence until March 20, 2001, almost two and a half years after the satellite phone went dead (nor did defense counsel have access to the records until well after the phone was out of use). (2) Looks like the government didn't even try to keep the names of the unindicted co-conspirators classified. The prosecution certainly could have invoked CIPA or any of the other mechanisms that exist for the protecting classified information at trial. Evidently, they just didn't. As with all such discussions of how well-suited the federal courts are to prosecuting terrorism cases, important to note these are just anecdotes. Can't conclude much one way or another. But it would be nice if folks stopped citing these particular examples in arguments that the federal courts can't possibly deal with terrorism cases."

Disagreements Both Modest and Fundamental talks about what legal rules should apply to detaining terrorists both now and going forward. What about detainees that are both actually dangerous and not triable because of torture or other issues? Deborah Pearlstein (visiting scholar at Princeton University's Law and Public Affairs Program) gives her suggestions in Getting the Truck Out of the Ditch and It's Sept. 12, 2001—What Kind of Detention Power Do We Want Now?.

Personally I wonder if anyone followed up on the pirate law idea?

No comments: